David McWilliams - he's a hoop,he hates boez

McWilliams in the Businness Post

Lessons from a football windfall
Sunday, August 28, 2011 By David McWilliams
The efficient management structure at Shamrock Rovers suggests that the club will spend its Europa League money wisely, something the country could replicate if oil and gas reserves are struck off the west coast
As a boy, my dad and my uncle Frank used to take me every other Sunday to Glenmalure Park in Milltown to see Shamrock Rovers play. We’d park in Donnybrook and walk up Eglinton Road with hundreds of others, through the turnstiles and into, what seemed to me at the time, an impressive stadium.
For a star-struck boy, Milltown was a Mecca where you might snatch the autographs of legends such as Ray Treacy, Johnny Giles or Eamon Dunphy. If not these big names, you might get the autograph of up-and-coming Pierce O’Leary or the man with the best hairstyle in football, former Arsenal full-back John Devine.
At Milltown, there was a gap between the stand and the terrace, just in front of the dressing room where, if you stood and waited, you’d have a great chance of getting your programme signed by one of the greats. The players came out of the dressing-room and walked diagonally across gravel to a little gate just by the bottom left-hand corner flag.
This little iron gate was a perfect bottleneck because the players had to line up to get through, and that was your opportunity to stick your programme and pen under their noses.
Fast forward to 2011 and I am in a bar in Croatia, watching Rovers play Partizan Belgrade in the Europa League. Here, the hatred of all things Serbian endures after the years of bitter conflict, and the locals display a particular dislike of Partizan. Much of the ethnic hatred in the crumbling Yugoslavia was fanned from the football terraces of Belgrade.
As a result, and based on the age-old logic that ‘‘my enemy’s enemy is my friend’’, an Irishman in Croatia watching an Irish team beat Partizan Belgrade is a king, and is treated as one! It was a long night. Enough said.
Rovers’ historic victory, and entry to the group stages of the Europa League, means a massive windfall for the club and, by extension, for Irish football. The way Rovers spend the money will be crucial. Economics is full of examples where countries or companies get windfalls and blow them.
The most obvious cases are countries that strike oil and blow the cash. The windfall makes the country worse off in the long term: a few at the very top get all the cash and blow it, and the vast majority get nothing, bar higher prices and dented expectations.
The reason Rovers are interesting now is that they could well be a microcosm for Ireland if we do indeed exploit the oil and gas resources off our west coast.
It is worth considering the general proposition of how football clubs and countries spend money. I have a hunch that Ireland could learn from the management of Rovers. But before we explore that, lets see what economics tell us about windfalls.
Interestingly, blowing an economic windfall is called the ‘Dutch disease’. After the Dutch found huge gas resources in the North Sea, their manufacturing industry declined. Why was this? When you strike oil or gas, huge resources move into the new sector and the old manufacturing sectors can decline.
In addition, the price of everything in the country rises because of the huge new revenues the oil/gas strike generate; this pushes up government spending and all prices, making the old industries less competitive internationally. We see this in many countries, including Britain but, interestingly, not Norway.
Now, armed with these observations, let’s go back to football to see what economies can learn from the game.
Consider a club like Rovers, who are going to get a huge, one-off gain from last Thursday’s victory. If they follow the present English Premier League approach - let’s call it the Manchester City model - they will blow the cash looking for instant success. But if Rovers are more thoughtful, they will succeed where other clubs have failed.
The omens in Tallaght are good. The rebuilding of Rovers has been impressive. After 20 years in the wilderness following the sale of Milltown, hard work and commitment by a core group of supporters has seen the club rebuilt.
The decision to work with the local council at Tallaght was also inspired. No one produced a huge chequebook and tried to ‘buy’ the league, as happened with other clubs.
There is a sense that Rovers are a grounded club, run by grounded people who are now forging deep new roots in Tallaght. This all gives grounds for optimism that the club will avoid the Manchester City approach.
In the same way that a country can follow the Norwegian example when it finds oil or gas, a club can follow a different model to the one set down by the Premier League. In fact, the way football is managed can tell us a lot about how the general economy is managed and performs.
For example, unlike the debt-financed English clubs, German football clubs are not allowed to run a deficit. This financial brace ensures that they don’t splash out on foreign superstars. They have to find local talent. This means they invest at every level - and, as anyone who has ever had a kick-around in Germany will attest to, the facilities are impressive.
Even huge clubs like Bayern Munich take much of their talent from their junior team. As has been noted by Irish economist Aidan O’Regan (http://aregan.wordpress.com), this local focus and fiscal disciple in Germany doesn’t detract from competition - the argument put forward by the big spenders in the Premier League. They argue that the freer the market, the better the competition. The opposite is the case.
Look at the variety of German teams who have recently thrived in the Europa League and Champions League. Unlike the English Premier League, which is dominated by the teams with the most money, any one of ten clubs can reasonably expect to win the Bundesliga. This implies more competition, not less.
If you compare the number of German teams who have done well in Europe in the past few years, and then consider the recurring dominance of two or three English clubs, you can see that debt-financed football doesn’t produce more success.
We see similar patterns in the Netherlands, where local focus means that small clubs have a chance. For example, Ajax - the biggest club in the country - won the Eredivisie last year, but this was their first league title in seven years. Trends in Nordic countries, where small clubs regularly feature in the big European competitions, also attest to the success of local, gradual spending, rather than the massive, ‘‘all or nothing’’ approach.
It would be great if Rovers spent the windfall like a German team and not an English one. The omens are good for the first time in years. Looking forward to our possible national oil and gas windfall, wouldn’t it be wonderful if we followed the Norwegian example, rather than the British one?
And speaking as someone who was lifted over the turnstiles at Milltown all those years ago, it would be particularly satisfying if, for once, rather than representing greed and short-termism, a local football club could become the example for the nation to follow.

McWilliams, like so many others can find another bandwagon.

He was not there when Milltown was sold.

He was not in tolka, santry, dalyer and countless other shitholes.

He was not there on the night Derek Treacy’s last goal for the Hoops was in vain.

He was not there when an Andy Myler hattrick almost confirmed our return.

He was not in Cobh when it happened.

He was not there when all our dreams were realised 13/3/2009

He was not there when Twiggy got two last minute goals.

He was not in Bray either.

He did not have to emigrate and miss the greatest moment in Rovers’ history due to the decisions of people of his ilk.

He can run and jump.

KOH

i want to change my position on mcwillianms- he isnt a hoop

TASE, you are a consummate hoop.

McWilliams can FOAD

KOH my friend

great to have you back mate

I’m slightly despondent being in the arse end of the world given recent developments though.

Have compensated by getting very very pissed and telling anyone stupid enough to listen our story. And quoting all the articles about the super hoops (yes, fuck off the guardian, football365, etc.-we don’t need you).

Actually listened to RTE’s wn version of quasimodo (des cahill not marty morrissey) on breakfast radio while making the dinner the other night. And my reaction was the same. FOAD

hopefully he goes the same way as george hamilton soon - mac says its inevitable

:blink: :huh:

Take a run and jump yourself you mserable prick

You must be the kind of LOI fan that TASE was warning us about last week.

nah

huh>?

My thoughts exactly

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Expansion of the middle class is Ireland’s biggest feat
DAVID MCWILLIAMS
When it comes to celebrating the Republic – 70 years old this weekend – the most significant socio-economic achievement of the State has been the gradual but relentless expansion of the Irish middle class. It might be deeply unfashionable to champion the growth of the civic bourgeoisie, but the expansion of the middle class is a profoundly positive accolade.

In contrast to many western countries that are seeing their middle classes shrink, the data tells us something we know already when we compare our lives with our parents’ lives and their parents’ lives: Ireland’s bourgeoisie is in rude health.

Whether it is cool or not to admit, the middle class provides political ballast to a country, preventing lurches to the extremes. This is no bad thing in a world with its increasingly demagogic flavour.

In international economics there is an expression for any collapse of the middle class. It is known as the Brazilification of a country. Brazil (and Argentina) used to have large middle classes with secure stakes in society. The civic bourgeoisie became the target of the corrupt right and the ideological left so much so that over the past 50 years, the middle has been squeezed by left-wing and right-wing populists, leaving the country unmoored, oscillating from one extreme to the other.

The story of Venezuela, where the greatest humanitarian disaster in the Americas is playing out in front of our eyes, speaks for itself. Unforgivably, the assault on the middle class in Venezuela has been entirely ideologically driven. Three million have left in the past two years. To put that in context, five million people fled Syria over 10 years. But crucially, in Venezuela there is no war, just monumental mismanagement based on a class war in the country with the largest oil reserves in the world.

Feeling poor
So when we look around, we can see that the massive expansion of the Irish middle class is something to be extremely proud of and it stems from economic growth. Over the past 30 years – that is, in roughly the second half of the lifetime of the Republic – the growth rate of this country has been phenomenal. Once the economy grows, everything else flows from that. Without growth you can talk all you like about aspirations but nothing will ever be delivered. Economic growth provides the resources to achieve other goals.

Let’s look at a few figures to appreciate what has been achieved here in recent decades. In 1979 Irish income per head was $12,342, compared with $22,053 in Germany, $22,713 in France, $20,500 in the UK and $22,530 in Italy.

Anyone who travelled back then will remember feeling poor when abroad. Today Irish income per head is on a par with Germany and above the rest. No other country has caught up so quickly.

If you want to look at it another way, let’s review living standards. Forty years ago the average Irish person had a budget of €7.29 per day. This compared with the average German’s budget of €14.51 or Dutch person of €13.30. So Irish living standards were about half those prevailing in western Europe. Today the average Irish person is spending €53.49 a day. This compares with €57.30 for the average German and €51.49 for the average Dutch person. Again, this is an extraordinary rate of economic catch-up with our richer neighbours. By the way, no other poor country that joined the EU around the same time – such as Greece, Spain or Portugal – has similar rates of catching up.

If you have growth rates running twice as fast as your neighbours, this allows you to catch up on many other levels. On a much broader basis, it has allowed daily life in this Republic to improve dramatically for the vast majority of the citizens. I am not saying we don’t have our problems; of course we do. But we should not let notions of the perfect bully the pretty good, and what has happened in this Republic has been pretty good.

For example, in 1990 Ireland ranked 24th on the UN’s Human Development Index. Today we are fourth. No other country has achieved this kind of acceleration on this independent index. In 1990 we were in relative terms where Albania, Cuba, Kazakhstan or Mauritius are today.

Let’s look at things another way. In the mid 1970s, just over 20 per cent of Irish women were in the workforce. That rate of female participation is comparable with viciously misogynistic countries such as Afghanistan (19.5 per cent) and Saudi Arabia (21 per cent) today. We were a Catholic caliphate. But as the economy and opportunity expanded, this melted away. Last year more Irish women graduated from university than men. Girls outperform boys in the Leaving Cert.

Economic expansion
Interestingly, we see the fruits of this economic expansion, and the expansion of the middle class, very conspicuously in education. In the late 1960s only 36 per cent of Irish children finished school. Today 97 per cent do the Leaving Cert.

As late as 1989, only 15 per cent of Irish people had a university degree; today that figure is 43 per cent, ranking us among the best educated-people in the world. Life expectancy has risen from 73 in 1980 to 82 now. Infant mortality is one-fifth of what it was in 1980 and immunisation rates for diseases such as measles have surged from a mere 10 per cent in 1983 to nearly total coverage now.

The figures on the middle class are irrefutable. The share of the population that lives in middle-income households in Ireland increased by about 9 per cent, from 60 per cent in 1991 to 69 per cent in 2010. The share in lower-income households fell 7 per cent, and the upper-income share decreased 1 per cent.

Middle-income households – those with an income that is two-thirds to double the national median household income – had incomes of €24,475-€73,426 in 2010, the latest year for which data on the income distribution in Ireland were available. Lower-income households had incomes of less than €24,475 and upper-income households had incomes greater than €73,426 (all figures computed for three- person households and expressed in 2010 prices).

So social mobility is real in Ireland, and interestingly it is fluid, meaning you can move up and down. Last year Revenue published a study using tax data, which broke down the income distribution into three deciles (bottom, middle and top). Between 2006 and 2015, so taking in the crash, one in five (23 per cent) people remain stuck in the bottom group, while four in five (77 per cent) who were in the bottom group have moved up to the middle.

In the middle decile, there is more mobility upwards (43 per cent) than downwards (36 per cent). More than half (57 per cent) of those at the top hold on to their position. But this also means 43 per cent of people in the top bracket in 2006 have fallen back to the middle by 2016.

This means that we have social fluidity here. Unlike other countries, where the rich remain rich, in Ireland it is quite likely that you can fall back down as well as scramble up. This type of social churn is extremely important because it means that social class is more transient here than other countries, implying equality of opportunity means something.

Hmmmm… Would love to have access to that data to see the real story.

A great little country all the same.

How many of those who have “fallen back” haven’t paid their mortgage in a decade?

Despite all our faults we are a great little country

In 1989 a university degree meant something.

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