That’s the type of negative attitude that saw the ruby overlook you for the job. My Irish teacher used often threaten to shoot me with a shovel, you could try that?
In Irish please glas.
Jesus if you were ever in a war with Glas all you’d have to do is have old women as your informers 
There is no shades of grey in war, only black and white. Anyone with principals or morals wouldn’t last pissing time.
[quote=“Julio Geordio, post: 752841, member: 332”]Jesus if you were ever in a war with Glas all you’d have to do is have old women as your informers
There is no shades of grey in war, only black and white. Anyone with principals or morals wouldn’t last pissing time.[/quote]
Limerick, an ancient city well versed in the art of war 
Interesting how strong the anti British sentiment from the catholic hierarchy was in 1920. Would have thought they played it far more conservatively at least in their official statements.
http://lxoa.wordpress.com/2011/10/18/irish-hierarchys-statement-on-the-condition-of-ireland-1920-2/
[quote=“gola, post: 753508, member: 244”]Interesting how strong the anti British sentiment from the catholic hierarchy was in 1920. Would have thought they played it far more conservatively at least in their official statements.
http://lxoa.wordpress.com/2011/10/18/irish-hierarchys-statement-on-the-condition-of-ireland-1920-2/[/quote]
When the atrocities and wrong doings of the government are weighed up like that I think they in someways had no option to speak out. Post famine Ireland became an extremely catholic country, whereas previously priests and the church had wavering respect from the masses and were often targets of agrarian agitation. They also had to contend with the church of Ireland being the established church and on the back of these issues often shafted the people to profess loyalty and establish their rule with governments blessing… By 1920 their feet were firmly under the table and if anything probably saw an opportunity to.cement their power further…
All I got from reading that was pride, pride that we had men who stood up and took on these cunts… and I mean the IRA, not the church.
Myers off again.
29 MARCH 2013
WHILE audiences in Dublin have been cheering the theatrical celebration of Tom Barry’s ‘Guerilla Days in Ireland’ (mis-spelt, of course), in Belfast a bomb from so-called republican dissidents nearly killed three police officers. The failure to realise the connection between a celebration of ‘good’ violence in the past and ‘bad’ violence today has long been a chronic condition in Irish life. Whereas the myth of republican violence takes merely artistic form in some souls, in others it serves as a moral authoriser, like a virus that affects its hosts in different ways. Actual violence is always a consequence of this myth.
With an almost elegant synchronicity, as Dublin audiences exulted in past IRA violence, Henry Patterson’s account of the IRA’s ruthless Border campaign against Protestants, 1971-1996, ‘Ireland’s Violent Frontier’, appeared. Outside the scope of that book, but entirely consonant with the traditions of appeasement which made that ethnic cleansing of Border Protestants possible, occurred the 30th anniversary of the shooting of Chief Prison Officer Brian Stack in Dublin. Paralysed from the neck down, he died 18 months later. This was the most ruthless single deed in the course of a republican campaign of intimidation of our prison service, and which included the public discovery in a park of a ‘secret’ list containing the names and addresses of some 130 prison officers. The outcome was, of course, capitulation: terrorist prisoners in Portlaoise Jail got what they wanted, even as the Border remained effectively open to the republican campaign against local Protestants.
But where’s the connection between those events and Tom Barry? Well, it was Barry himself who described the consequence of the burning by the British of a small farmhouse and a labourer’s cottage. “The following night, the IRA burnt out four large loyalist residences in the same neighbourhood.” These people had nothing to do with the earlier burnings; they were merely Protestant and unionist, and therefore fair game. Barry continued, as IRA arson attacks proliferated: “Our only fear was that . . . there would be no more loyalist homes to destroy, for we intended to go on to the bitter end.”
Quite so: a bitter end indeed for many Protestants of Co Cork. Barry again: “One result of the IRA counter-actions was the attempts made by the British loyalists to sell out their Irish properties and leave. These were defeated, as the IRA banned all sales of residence. Let these Britishers (Protestants) flee, but they would leave without the proceeds of their Irish properties.”
Barry then cheerfully recollected how the IRA commandeered and sold the cattle of murdered loyalists. So how did they represent those charming deeds in the Olympia?
All this is part of the broad Fenian tradition in which the inaccurately named dissidents now operate – but with far more nous than hitherto. As Jim Cusack pointed out in the ‘Sunday Independent’, recent attacks were designed to precipitate a political crisis. A bomb in Fermanagh appears to have been meant for the Lough Erne Resort, the venue for the G8 meeting in June. An intended mortar attack in Derry was timed to coincide with an address by the Taoiseach to a joint meeting of Irish and British parliamentarians, and the Belfast attack occurred just before the Taoiseach’s visit to London. This was the first time that dissidents had deployed a mortar of the kind used against Downing Street in 1991. A Provisional IRA engineer has apparently gone over to the new crowd.
THIS new IRA is not dissident: it belongs to the tradition embodied by Tom Barry and Martin Corry, the IRA leader in Cork city, who – as we learnt in Monday’s brilliant ‘In The Name Of The Republic’ on TV3 – was responsible for the disappearance and murder of perhaps scores of local men, mostly Protestants, between 1919 and 1923. Almost as shocking as their murder was the cloak of secrecy with which independent Ireland (in which Corry was a TD for 40 years) then concealed these atrocities.
What about the RIC Auxiliaries? When the West End mounts a production of ‘Anti-Guerrilla Days in Ireland’, I’ll deal with them. In the meantime, we are witnessing a major rehabilitation of the culture of republican violence – not merely on the stage. Even as sober an individual as Joe Mulholland, director of the Patrick MacGill Summer School, could use the c-word about it, as in: “The celebration of 1916 in three years’ time and the homage that will rightly be paid to the men and women who left families and friends to face the might of the British empire. . . .”
The might of the British empire in Dublin that Easter Monday consisted of a few unarmed Irish DMP men, six of whom were cold-bloodedly shot. The men who did those shootings are the inspiration for the non-dissidents of today, who will surely rejoice in the divisions within An Garda Siochana. So those who mark this Easter Weekend should be aware that any celebration of the violence of 1916 will, for some, serve merely as an authorisation of the violence still to come.
[quote=“Fagan ODowd, post: 753553, member: 706”]Myers off again.
29 MARCH 2013
WHILE audiences in Dublin have been cheering the theatrical celebration of Tom Barry’s ‘Guerilla Days in Ireland’ (mis-spelt, of course), in Belfast a bomb from so-called republican dissidents nearly killed three police officers. The failure to realise the connection between a celebration of ‘good’ violence in the past and ‘bad’ violence today has long been a chronic condition in Irish life. Whereas the myth of republican violence takes merely artistic form in some souls, in others it serves as a moral authoriser, like a virus that affects its hosts in different ways. Actual violence is always a consequence of this myth.
With an almost elegant synchronicity, as Dublin audiences exulted in past IRA violence, Henry Patterson’s account of the IRA’s ruthless Border campaign against Protestants, 1971-1996, ‘Ireland’s Violent Frontier’, appeared. Outside the scope of that book, but entirely consonant with the traditions of appeasement which made that ethnic cleansing of Border Protestants possible, occurred the 30th anniversary of the shooting of Chief Prison Officer Brian Stack in Dublin. Paralysed from the neck down, he died 18 months later. This was the most ruthless single deed in the course of a republican campaign of intimidation of our prison service, and which included the public discovery in a park of a ‘secret’ list containing the names and addresses of some 130 prison officers. The outcome was, of course, capitulation: terrorist prisoners in Portlaoise Jail got what they wanted, even as the Border remained effectively open to the republican campaign against local Protestants.
But where’s the connection between those events and Tom Barry? Well, it was Barry himself who described the consequence of the burning by the British of a small farmhouse and a labourer’s cottage. “The following night, the IRA burnt out four large loyalist residences in the same neighbourhood.” These people had nothing to do with the earlier burnings; they were merely Protestant and unionist, and therefore fair game. Barry continued, as IRA arson attacks proliferated: “Our only fear was that . . . there would be no more loyalist homes to destroy, for we intended to go on to the bitter end.”
Quite so: a bitter end indeed for many Protestants of Co Cork. Barry again: “One result of the IRA counter-actions was the attempts made by the British loyalists to sell out their Irish properties and leave. These were defeated, as the IRA banned all sales of residence. Let these Britishers (Protestants) flee, but they would leave without the proceeds of their Irish properties.”
Barry then cheerfully recollected how the IRA commandeered and sold the cattle of murdered loyalists. So how did they represent those charming deeds in the Olympia?
All this is part of the broad Fenian tradition in which the inaccurately named dissidents now operate – but with far more nous than hitherto. As Jim Cusack pointed out in the ‘Sunday Independent’, recent attacks were designed to precipitate a political crisis. A bomb in Fermanagh appears to have been meant for the Lough Erne Resort, the venue for the G8 meeting in June. An intended mortar attack in Derry was timed to coincide with an address by the Taoiseach to a joint meeting of Irish and British parliamentarians, and the Belfast attack occurred just before the Taoiseach’s visit to London. This was the first time that dissidents had deployed a mortar of the kind used against Downing Street in 1991. A Provisional IRA engineer has apparently gone over to the new crowd.
THIS new IRA is not dissident: it belongs to the tradition embodied by Tom Barry and Martin Corry, the IRA leader in Cork city, who – as we learnt in Monday’s brilliant ‘In The Name Of The Republic’ on TV3 – was responsible for the disappearance and murder of perhaps scores of local men, mostly Protestants, between 1919 and 1923. Almost as shocking as their murder was the cloak of secrecy with which independent Ireland (in which Corry was a TD for 40 years) then concealed these atrocities.
What about the RIC Auxiliaries? When the West End mounts a production of ‘Anti-Guerrilla Days in Ireland’, I’ll deal with them. In the meantime, we are witnessing a major rehabilitation of the culture of republican violence – not merely on the stage. Even as sober an individual as Joe Mulholland, director of the Patrick MacGill Summer School, could use the c-word about it, as in: “The celebration of 1916 in three years’ time and the homage that will rightly be paid to the men and women who left families and friends to face the might of the British empire. . . .”
The might of the British empire in Dublin that Easter Monday consisted of a few unarmed Irish DMP men, six of whom were cold-bloodedly shot. The men who did those shootings are the inspiration for the non-dissidents of today, who will surely rejoice in the divisions within An Garda Siochana. So those who mark this Easter Weekend should be aware that any celebration of the violence of 1916 will, for some, serve merely as an authorisation of the violence still to come.[/quote]
What a bitter cunt.
Agreed.
He had no issue building a journalistic career throughout the troubles up North though! He has very sheltered opinions. :rolleyes:
Was listening to the history programme on rte earlier on. They were reviewing Ernie O’Malleys memoirs. Must be re-issued.
The answer is blowing in the wind.
Quality article from Myers. The only difference between the Old and the New IRA was that one succeeded in their aims and were allowed to write history as they saw fit afterwards.
Go way ya prick. Does he mention once about the the UVF and the arming of thousands in the north well before any IRA? About the state terrorism carried out by British forces that the IRA were responding to? About the landless state of catholics, majority mandate Sinn Fein had? Fuck you, Myers, the prods and imperialist cunts all over the world.
Tom Barry and his lads missed one with your lot
Most modern republicans would agree with turenne that there was little difference between the ‘old’ IRA and the Provos though?
What about the elections of 1918 ?
Yes don’t mention their democratic mandate. That doesn’t fit with the revisionist narrative.
Presume theyd argue that gerrymandering and the unfair voting system meant they didn’t have a fair chance of a political mandate in the north.
It’s arguable to that the IRA in the north in the late 60s lived under a more oppressive regime and had more reason to take up arms than the IRA in 1919.
Do you agree with FF and FG so that old IRA good but post 1969 IRA bad?
[quote=“gola, post: 754286, member: 244”]Presume theyd argue that gerrymandering and the unfair voting system meant they didn’t have a fair chance of a political mandate in the north.
It’s arguable to that the IRA in the north in the late 60s lived under a more oppressive regime and had more reason to take up arms than the IRA in 1919.
Do you agree with FF and FG so that old IRA good but post 1969 IRA bad?[/quote]
Not necessarily, I don’t think It’s as black and white as that. I wouldn’t agree with what the Provos became and their tactics of blowing up innocents. But protecting their community, responding to brutality etc etc is something you have to commend them for.
Look lad, its a reality that during the period people in the IRA - and outside of it - used the lawlessness and their sense of power to ‘settle’ old grudges, usually about land, with the barrel of a gun. People were murdered purely because they were Protestant and for no other reason, and this is something that has been whitewashed from Irish history by the Irish state via secondary school history books. Myers is correct in stating that Tom Barry’s eye for an eye response to the British burning of IRA sympathiser’s homes was fundamentally bigoted and aimed at the Protestant community in Cork, effective as though it was.
At the end of the day the old ‘shur the old IRA were a mighty bunch of lads, these lads up North are evil cunts altogether’ is a load of bollocks and should be dealt with. The Old IRA did things every bit as heinous and brutal as the provos…but they won the conflict so they could officially hide these things and paint a more positive, sentimental narrative for the future generations.